Category Archives: Rants and More

Good Karma: Gujarat, India

India’s westernmost state is home to 60 million people and a handful of endangered Asiatic Wild Ass. Gujarat is the birthplace of both Mahatma Gandhi and current Indian Prime Minister Modi. One morning I was at a massive flower market in Ahmedabad, set up on the edge of a busy highway. Across the street was a billboard of Modi posing with Donald and Melania Trump. I looked up from the flower market to see a couple of camel-drawn carts making their way through the rush hour traffic jam. A very ‘India’ sight. My visit to Gujarat wasn’t quite as fast-paced as my time in Kerala, so I had plenty of time to think about the important Hindu principle of Karma.

Just before dawn at the Ahmedabad flower market.

           EVEN IF you don’t know much about Hinduism, you’ve probably heard of “karma.”  Karma means that every action has a consequence.  Your good deeds and hard work will eventually be rewarded.  And your bad acts will somehow come back to haunt you.  The universe will even things out. 





           We all know the phrase, “What goes around comes around.”  That’s karma in a blunt nutshell.  Lots of English-language sayings describe some sort of karma (mostly the “bad” side):  Paybacks are hell.  Chickens come home to roost.  He got a taste of his own medicine.  What’s good for the goose is good for the gander.  If you live by the sword, you’ll die by the sword.  You reap what you sow.  She had that coming.  That’s gonna bite you in the ass.  An eye for an eye.  Karma’s a bitch.





           The word “karma” is Hindu but the concept is universal.  Even the Golden Rule — arguably the most important moral principle for everyone from Jesus to Kant – is essentially a corollary of Karma:  “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”  It’s a nice way of saying you should “dish out” only what you’re ready to “take.” 





           Hindus don’t necessarily think the gods are purposely or actively trying to punish or reward you, though.  Karma is like gravity or physics: an inevitable law of nature.  Even Newton’s Third Law of Motion sounds oddly like karma:  For every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction.  Nothing personal.





           Hindus believe in an immortal soul with multiple earthly reincarnations, and they believe that the effects of karma can stretch beyond your current life.  A person can experience the consequences of his acts – good or bad karma – even in his next life.  This means that if something bad happens to you, it may be because of something bad you did in a prior life.  Other faiths (like Christianity) struggle to explain why bad things happen to good people — why a benevolent and all-powerful god allows innocent people to suffer from illness, injury, hunger, and handicaps.  Hinduism solves that philosophical dilemma: the person may have bad karma carried over from a prior life.  It may sound a little brutal to imagine karma chasing us down even after we die, but that’s not so different from many Christian and Muslim beliefs about heaven and hell:  Your acts in this life will be rewarded or punished in a later one.





           People who research American political philosophy find that liberals generally place greater focus than conservatives on equality and on “caring” (the prevention of suffering).  Conservatives, on the other hand, tend to place more emphasis on loyalty and on “proportionality.”  Proportionality here refers to a belief that outcomes and consequences should be “proportional” to actions and behaviors – that good behavior and hard work should be rewarded, while bad behavior may rightly be punished.  Which, of course, sounds a lot like karma.  These different moral principles all sound good, but things get interesting when the themes conflict with one another.  An emphasis on equality or on the prevention of suffering will often conflict with the karma-like proportionality principle:  If good behavior and hard work are rewarded and bad or lazy behavior is punished, people will no longer be “equal” and some will literally suffer from the consequences of their actions and decisions. 





           The Hindu belief in an inevitable karma that spans multiple lifetimes takes the concept of personal responsibility to its extreme.  Your present condition is the product of your own past acts and decisions, in this life or in prior ones.  You made yourself what you are.  Whatever good fortune or bad luck you experience, you caused it yourself either in this  or a prior life.  This view partly underlies India’s traditional caste system.  To the Hindus, wherever you find yourself in the socio-economic hierarchy of the caste system—even at the time of your birth – you caused that yourself.  If you’re unhappy with your life, only you and karma are to blame — and karma doesn’t have a complaint department.





          Maybe the belief in karma is why so many of the Indians I encountered seemed so pleasant, happy, and content.  Whether or not you actually believe in karma, there’s a lot to be said for people who do:  People who believe there’s no sense complaining about whatever life brings you.  People who believe that the way to a better world is to be good, do good, and work hard.  Those are folks you’d want to hang out with, even if they live halfway around the world.





The Asiatic Wild Ass. Apparently being “wild” and “endangered” didn’t mean they were difficult to find. Our wildlife photo safari took about 10 minutes.
This little girl lived at a gypsy tent camp. She had a lot of attitude — mostly good. She and her mom and sisters made those bracelets and tried to sell them along the highway.

One of these two “step wells” near Ahmedabad was next to a Sun Temple. They’re religious sites but also functional: you walk down to the level of the water table and scoop out water.

This gentleman’s grandson had brought him to visit the former home of Mahatma Gandhi, the famed leader of the non-violent movement for India’s independence from Britain in the 1940s. That’s Gandhi’s floor desk and spinning wheel in the background. The wheel was a symbol of Gandhi’s movement.

The Road to Morocco

I promised myself I wouldn’t let a full year go by before finally sorting through (and sharing) my photos from a 2018 trip to Morocco.   

 

 

If you’re reading this, you probably know that I love to travel to new, unusual places.  And you probably know that I enjoy almost all those trips and generally come home telling mostly-positive stories even about places that have plenty of oddities and problems.  (See, for example, my reports from Cuba and Iran and Myanmar and Colombia and Guatemala . . . .).  I’m pretty open-minded (or at least non-judmental) about cultures very different from my own.  But there was something ‘off’ about Morocco.  Although the small group of folks I traveled with were unbeatable, and though the trip was expertly planned and the accommodations as swank as I could ever have hoped, I wouldn’t count Morocco among my favorite destinations.

I expected (naively, I suppose) Morocco might be similar to Iran — where I’d had a truly great trip in 2017.  It wasn’t.  I think the counterintuitive problem is that, unlike Iran, Morocco has long been an established and popular tourist destination for Americans and Europeans.  (Bob Hope and Bing Crosby sang “Off on the road to Morocco” and Humphrey Bogart did his play-it-again-Sam in Casablanca in 1942, though both were actually filmed in the American Southwest.).  In Iran, people were just excited to see and meet American visitors intrepid enough to trapse their cities and deserts.  In Morocco, they learned long ago that “visitors” are “tourists,” and tourists are revenue sources.

My pictures from photography trips usually include lots of images of local people.  But you won’t see many people here.  Almost everyone I photographed (or tried to photograph) asked for money in one way or another.  That’s something I try to avoid:  to me, it can ruin the authenticity of both the experience and the photograph.  Others just shooed me away entirely — which I actually prefer.  Some would actively invite you to take their picture — only to expect payment when you did.  It was hard to know what you were getting into. 

It’s fine when people don’t want to be photographed — I completely respect that.   And there’s nothing inherently wrong with them doing it only if they get paid.  I’m just not usually interested.

I was fascinated at how quickly so many locals morphed from entrepreneur to beggar to extortionist.  Their initial approach was to try sell you something you clearly did not want (kids trying to hand you an obviously worthless trinket or adults giving unrequested, intrusive ‘guide’ services).  When that failed to generate a cash response, they’d often keep their hand out and just ask for money.  When that failed, they often did not give up:  uncomfortable persistent harassment was not uncommon. 

 

 

My whole complaint about visiting Morocco is the lack of a feeling of authenticity.  The country’s biggest mosque — The Al Hassan II in Casablanca — was built in 1993.  Up close, it looked more like a Las Vegas mock-up than a real or historic or sacred site.  Morocco sits at the edge of the Sahara Desert, so twice we paid local guides to get us deep into the desert, but both times wound up on well-trodden sand within sight of highways and hotels.  And those pictures below of the camels in the desert?  Of course they’re a set-up.  A guide dons the traditional robe as part of the gig, and knows just where to lead the herd at sunset for the best photo opportunities.  Fun to do and see, but not as real, authentic cultural experience.  It’s just hard to be anything but a touristy tourist in Morocco.

The “snake charmers” I saw all over Marrakech’s market square on my first evening in the country proved to be something of an omen for the rest of the trip.  The snakes are de-fanged, so it’s all rather faked anyway.  They’re not “charming” for the sake charming; they’re there as a tourist draw.  If anyone comes even close to raising a camera in their direction, a couple of those “charmers” would aggressively rush over with their hands out, preventing any photos until and unless you ‘tip’ them.  And the nasal-sounding ‘flute’ playing is terrible.  I just skipped it and went looking for a diet coke.

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Another odd feature:  Flags.  As we drove through the countryside, there were Moroccan flags everywhere.  Tiny villages would  have 100s of flags installed along the roadside.  Flags were sometimes every 100 yards or so on completely unpopulated stretches of highway.  Imagine the most flag-obsessed town in America on the Fourth of July:  this was pretty much every town, every day.  But these were government-installed displays and they felt very different.  Maybe it was the ugly all-red flags (with a green ‘pentagram’ star), or maybe it was knowing that Morocco is governed by a sometimes heavy-handed king, but this had no feel of authentic patriotism.  It felt more like a monarchical government reminding you that it was everywhere.

 

 

 

 

 

  

Iran: Complicated Relations

My time in Iran happened to include the anniversary of the takeover of the U.S. Embassy — the event that started the Iranian Hostage Crisis in 1979.  There were anti-American signs all over Tehran.  My new Iranian-American friend mentioned that there’d be a government-organized event commemorating the anniversary.  Always willing to get my camera into the middle of unusual spectacles, I said: “Can I go see it?” “Sure, we can go,” he said.   I asked what it would look like. “Just a bunch of signs and chanting.” “Oh. What will they be chanting?,” I said.  His response: “Uh… like ‘Death to America’ and stuff like that.  But they don’t mean it! They’ll be very nice to you!”  Having spent the previous two weeks in Iran, this actually made perfect sense to me.  I tried to go, but by the time we got over to Taleqani Street there was barely a trace of it.  Instead, I got a very weird tour of the former U.S. Embassy.

 

A sign at the exit of the Taleqani subway station, on the walls of the former U.S. Embassy. The facility is still controlled by the same group that took it over in 1979.

 

The site of the rally. This was all that was left when we arrived. Notice the U.S. flag painted on the street and labeled “Down With The USA.” (I think that may be a permanent fixture.) The middle banner says “We will Crush American Hegemony”, with a picture of the US sailors they held captive briefly in 2016.

 

The next day’s newspaper, showing Taleqani street an hour or so before I’d arrived.

 

You’ll see plenty of friendly faces in the pictures I took in Iran. The hundreds of people I met were almost all enthusiastically welcoming. When they asked where I was from (“What country?” they’d say) and heard “America” I could see their eyes widen a little in surprise. Then they smiled — excited to see an American visiting their country.  As often as not, the older ones would offer tea; the younger ones would ask me to join them in a “selfy” (photo).   Even from those who knew very little English, I’d almost always hear “Welcome” and “Thank you.” The Iranians I met were warm, kind and friendly people who were especially welcoming of American visitors.

 

Meanwhile, the government of the “Islamic Republic of Iran” is led by a powerful Supreme Leader (successor to the Ayatollah Khomeini) who repeatedly announces that America is Iran’s biggest enemy. While I was in Tehran, there were billboards up all around town (erected by the government) denouncing America, and the government staged its annual “Death to America” rally on the anniversary of the 1979 embassy takeover. The headline of the next day’s paper read, “Outburst of Hatred Toward U.S.” 

 

Their government often defines its very identity in anti-American terms. The Republic was born of a 1979 revolution against a controversial Shah ( king) whom they viewed as a U.S. puppet. The biggest event in its subsequent history is the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, and they blame the U.S. for that, too.  This was on page one of the state-run Tehran Times while I was there:   “’Death to America’ is the spirit of the Islamic Republic [of Iran] and its body can go no far [sic] without this slogan. Of course, America is the symbol of all satanic deeds, not letting the inhabitants of the planet earth progress and experience a free life.”  

It’s worth noting that in all the anti-American propaganda put up by the Iranian government, I don’t recall any of it being about religion (except for metaphorical references to the U.S. as the devil).  Their complaint is not that they think we’re infidels — it’s that they think we’re imperialists.  (Never mind that since the 6th Century B.C., the Persians have been some of the planet’s most prolific Empire-builders whenever they were able).  Without delving too deeply in the connection between religion and terrorism, I should also point out that Iranians are almost all Shi’a Muslims.  On the other hand, ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Osama Bin-Laden and Saddam Hussein are (were) all Sunnis, who often don’t get along with Shias much better than they do with other religions (or infidels).  Americans’ concerns about Islamic terrorism often fail to separate these groups.

America isn’t nearly as obsessed with Iran as the Iranian government is with America, but we do list it – along with just Sudan and Syria – on our formal short-list of nations who consistently sponsor terrorism.   The same month I was in Iran, President Trump declined to make a major certification in the Obama-era nuclear deal with Iran, and the U.S. Congress had a near-unanimous bipartisan vote to impose additional sanctions on Iran over its ballistic missile program.  Iranian people believe that most Americans think they are all terrorists. It’s an obvious exaggeration, but of course the Iranians are partly right about Americans’ perceptions. The worried reactions I’d heard from American friends about my Iranian trip bear this out. 

 

Iranians make a clear distinction between governments and people. They consistently volunteered that they “love” American people but they don’t like American government. (The latter is not a new “Trump” thing: the same sentiment has prevailed since the revolution.) And they seem to assume that we can or should love Iranian people, even as we might sensibly be wary of their antagonistic government. If it seems tough to reconcile, perhaps it shouldn’t be. Most adult Iranians have lived through the transition from an unpopular monarch (the last Shah) to a revolutionary government in which an unelected Supreme Leader is the ultimate authority. There’s never been much reason or expectation that the sentiments of the Iranian people are well-represented by their government, so the mental separation of a country’s people from that country’s government’s acts and policies probably comes rather easily to Iranians.

 

We could probably learn a lesson or two from the Iranian people on this front, though it might also be easy to learn the wrong ones.  It would be an obvious mistake to confuse the Iranian government’s belligerence with the mindset of Iranian people, or to presume that the Iranian people are a bunch of terrorists who would attack or abduct Americans given half a chance. They’re not. They’re mostly nice and decent people, just like most Americans are. It’s natural to want to demonize the citizens of your country’s political foes.  (In time of real war, it’s probably both necessary and inevitable.)  But of course it’s mostly a psychological fiction: most likely, they’re just ordinary, decent folks. In this vein, I can remember Sting singing to us in in the Cold War 1980s about his hope that “the Russians love their children, too.”

 

At the same time, though, governments necessarily do what governments have to do — whether the citizens of their political adversaries are generally nice people or not. This may include saber-rattling, sanctioning, or worse. For example, our appropriate responses to North Korea’s Kim Jong-Un can’t be much affected by whether the typical North Korean citizen is a nice guy or not. Similarly, the sincere warmth of Iranian people is probably of little relevance to our government policies toward Iran.

 

Iranians may be unrealistic in their desire to wholly separate friendliness for benevolent individuals from wariness of belligerent governments.  Who can blame America for being wary of the acts of a country that stages “Death to America” rallies? Given that Iran’s leaders openly call for bringing about America’s demise, it’s little wonder that we’d impose sanctions or immigration restrictions aimed at reducing Iran’s ability to do so — even though our policies will surely affect lots of friendly and blameless individuals. Given the billboards and the state-run newspaper propaganda and the rallies, there’s little reason to believe that the Iranian government has any desire to improve its relations with the United States.  That’s too bad, because I suspect our government would be as pleased as I am to have friends in the region.  

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Signs mocking President Obama have recently been replaced by signs mocking President Trump.

Several of the signs repeated the mantra that the US Embassy was a “Den of Espionage”

There was a famous quote from the late Ayatollah Khomeini that said something like “The US can’t do shit” or “The US can’t do a damn thing” against Iran.  On this series of billboards, that line is applied to the modern U.S. naval presence in the Persian Gulf.

This sign is about the U.S.’s accidental downing of an Iranian commercial airliner in 1988 in the midst of military clashes in the Persian Gulf. The Iranians insist that it was intentional. This is a 2017 sign complaining and propagandizing about a 1988 event.  Note that the plane is Iran Air Flight #655, while the U.S. missile is labeled 666.  

 

The defaced Seal of the United States of America. This was the main entrance of the U.S. Embassy, which is still controlled by the group that took it over in 1979. It now includes a very odd “museum.”

This guy showed us around the former Embassy. His entire pitch was to justify the 1979 hostage-taking by convincing visitors that the place was a CIA spy headquarters rather than a proper embassy.  Most of what they showed were the embassy’s efforts to prevent being spied UPON, like encryption technology, paper-shredders, and an electronic-surveilance-proof room.

Part of their argument that the Embassy was a “Den of Spies” was this area, labeled the “Forgery Room.” It’s the part of the Embassy where they routinely made and issued U.S. passports (as all our embassies do). The Iranians insist that the Americans were making fraudulent, forged passports for spies to use. Besides those manual typewriters, their key evidence included a shelf full of “chemicals” they’d found on the premises, which they insisted were the kinds of potions you’d use to manufacture those fake foreign passports.  Look closely: 2 gallons of automotive anti-freeze, some floor wax, 3 bottles of carpet shampoo, lighter fluid (it was the 1970s!), Krylon cleaner and lube, and a couple of cans of Glade air freshener.  

 

Iran: Chadors and Other Bazaar Sights

(Forgive me:  I can’t resist the appeal of the bizarre/bazaar pun.)

Merchandise on display at women’s clothing stores gives a hint of what’s under all those long black chadors.

They do have a few shopping malls and supermarkets in Iran, but mostly people buy their “stuff” in bazaars and small shops. Different sections tend to specialize in certain types of goods – one area will have vegetables or fish, another spices or hardware, and others focus on textiles or clothing. If you want to see and interact with real people in Iran, you’ll probably head for the local bazaar.

But the bazaars aren’t just retail shops; behind the scenes is wholesaling, warehousing, and even some of the manufacturing or cooking. The Grand Bazaar in Tehran is said to be the hub for a huge percentage of commerce in the whole country.

 

 

A young merchant in a Tehran bazaar, right, selling cooked beets to chador-clad female customers.  

 

Fruits and vegatables at a Tehran bazaar.

 

Most bazaar merchants are men, even in shops where most customers are women.

 

 

Many bazaars are historical sites. If you can see past the bright lights, the brightly colored fabrics and the vegetables, you sometimes see old facades and ceilings that are hundreds of years old. Often, just around a quieter corner you’ll see a rug warehouse or an ancient “caravanserai,” where camel caravans once paused for he night or arrived with goods to sell at the bazaar.

 

Mother and baby at sidewalk fabric shop in Shiraz.

 

One consistently striking feature of the bazaars is the women’s clothing on display. Modern tight jeans, lavish colorful and sequined gowns, stilettos, racy lingerie – all being browsed (and presumably purchased) by ladies who only go out in public wearing head-to-toe black chadors. There’s a lot going on behind closed doors (and under those robes and scarves) that doesn’t meet the outsider’s eye.

 

A stylish young woman in Shiraz, showing off an unusual Iranian status symbol: the nose-job bandage.

It’s the law in Iran that when women go out in public, they have to wear at least a headscarf and something that’s not form-fitting that covers them down to the thighs or so.   Since women can only show their faces and bangs, they sometimes go to way too much trouble to optimize the parts that show. Nose-jobs are very common, and women with fresh ones wear the bandages in public as a status symbol.   Many women wear LOTS of makeup, too, or coif their exposed bangs to the point of absurdity.   And those black chadors may look generic, but stroll through the bazaar and you’ll see hundreds of different styles and types of black fabrics on display with patterns and sequins.

I asked several people: If they put the head-scarf law up to a public vote, how would it come out?   Most guessed that it’d be close to 50/50 or 60/40 overall, with women somewhat more likely to vote anti-scarf than men. It was interesting that they thought it was this close. And the reality was that in most areas, the women were going well beyond what any law actually required – wearing the full head-to-toe, mostly-black chadors rather than simple scarves and thigh-length coverups. Whether that’s their real preference or the product of family or cultural pressure is hard to know.

I also asked: What happens if you violate the rule? Apparently the police take you in and give you a ticket, and require you to sign something pledging not to do it again. So I asked: What happens if you do it again? Nobody seemed to know.

If it makes you ladies feel any better, there are restrictions on men, too. We can’t wear shorts. With some exceptions for organized team sports, shorts in public are not an option for men or women, even if you’re going for a jog (which hardly anyone seemed to do, maybe for this reason). Remember, Iran is mostly a desert and summer temperatures reach well over 100 every day, so a no-shorts rule is a pretty big deal.  Whatever you think of Iran’s clothing rules, it would not be accurate to presume they’re all about oppressing women.

Decades ago, before the Islamic Revolution in 1979, the Shah (king) wanted Iran to be (or seem) more mainstream and Western. He actually prohibited the chador head covering. That prohibition was even more unpopular than the current chador mandate.  People wanted the scarves, and the Shah’s efforts to “modernize” are said to be some part of what fueled support for the Islamic Revolution – which ousted him and put a Muslim Ayatollah in charge of the country’s dress codes. It’s too bad nobody thought to choose a middle path where everyone could do whatever they want with their headgear!   (Admittedly, though, our own country has a tough time choosing libertarian middle paths these days, too.)

One last, goofy thought: In America, we also have rules about which body parts must remain covered and which are okay to reveal in public. There are cultures elsewhere on earth that have different and more-revealing rules (exposing women’s breasts, for example). Those people probably think our rules are horribly restrictive, oppressive and silly – just what we tend to think about Iran’s. Our defense of our own dress-code choices would probably sound a little like Iran’s defense of theirs.

 

This guy’s very typical bazaar store is about 8 feet wide.

 

 

 

Superheroes Run #4 for Child Advocates of Houston

Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

“MRE Consulting presents the Child Advocates Superheroes Run, Powered by Direct Energy!”

(As always, I need to make very clear that the kids in these pictures are NOT the kids who are the beneficiaries of Child Advocates’ programs. These are some of the our young race participants who came out to support other kids not quite so lucky.)

CLICK HERE to see LOTS more pictures

The start line of the 1K portion of Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

The 4th Child Advocates Superheroes Run is in the record books. I’m proud to say it was bigger and better than ever! We had nearly 1,000 “runners” (using the term loosely in many cases) and raised over $120,000 for Child Advocates.

The costumes get better (and more plentiful) every year. Every superhero you’ve ever heard of and lots that you probably haven’t. And for reasons I can’t fully explain at a “Superheroes” event, there were cows and alligators and goldfish and beauty queens, too! That big orange Child Advocates arch was new this year. (It was donated, so the cost doesn’t come out of CAI operating or sponsor funds.)
Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

 

Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

 

Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

I’m proud to have been the Chairman of the event since its inception four years ago.  As I’ve said before, that means mostly that my generous friends get their arms twisted to donate.  A huge, special thanks to all the friends who let that happen.  I don’t actually get to run in the race, but this year I wore a GPS tracking watch, which told me I’d run/jog/walked 7.5 just running around and organizing all the activities!

Each year (2013, 2014, 2015), I’ve made a short pitch in this blog to explain why I think CAI is an especially worthwhile charity. Forgive me if you’ve heard some of this before:

    • CAI helps kids in our own hometown who are in desperate situations through no conceivable fault of their own.
    • CAI’s one-time intervention seeks to permanently and efficiently solve problems and affect the kids’ entire lives, without creating dependency or requiring permanent or ongoing assistance.
    • CAI’s cause is financially undersupported, largely because few potential large donors have close personal experience with, or risks of, this kind of extreme child neglect or abuse. There’s nothing wrong with donating to your own alma mater or church, or to charities addressing diseases that affect you or your family, but that can leave a huge gap for charities like Child Advocates. I think this is true philanthropy.

If you or anyone you know is willing to volunteer, donate, or become an advocate, let me know at jeff@jeffcotner.com.

Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

Shane Merz, partner in the Race’s founding and “Presenting” sponsor MRE Consulting, grabbed the megaphone and welcomed racers across the finish line.

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The first 3 pics on the second row were our fastest man, fastest woman, and fastest “kid” in the 5k.

CLICK HERE to see LOTS more pictures

Child Advocates Superheroes Run 2016

CLICK HERE to see LOTS more pictures